The clock is already ticking for the PTI government

The voters of Azad Jammu and Kashmir seem to adhere to the subsequent Musharrafi election traditions and hand over the sphere and scepter of Muzaffarabad to the current Islamabad monarch unless the All-Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference (AJKMC) appears for 12 months. The abnormal situation resurfaced for bilateral breathing before diving into political oblivion.

On July 25, Imran Khan’s PTI successfully relegated Nawaz Sharif’s PML-N to Azad Kashmir’s trivial third place on the victory stand. The two-thirds majority of the seats won by the Nawaz League in 2016 were wiped out within 24 hours. But by walking confidently into the power corridor of Muzaffarabad, the PTI stallion did not shock anyone.

In fact, if PTI loses to PML-N or PPP, or for that matter, if there are enough numbers for the duo, political experts will be shocked because there is no politically possible election between the two After friendly relations.

This is not because history shows that Azad Kashmir is now behaving very predictably. The PPP regained power in 2008 after eleven years of suspension. Three years later, it also successfully captured Azad Kashmir. PML-N regained Islamabad in the 2013 general election, and Azad Kashmir fell into its arms as a ripe fruit in 2016. This is not unexpected. So, after winning the national championship in 2018, how could PTI be rejected in 2021? Since then, the party’s tools have been formed to manage a government that will be controlled by Islamabad as usual.

Through last month’s victory, PTI not only reached the peak of its elections in Pakistan and Azad Jammu and Kashmir, it also set a new record by creating a government in the center and most federal units (except Sindh). Muzaffarabad was the last gem waiting to be set in the crown of reign, and it is now comfortably placed there. This is the beginning of the next phase of the party’s political journey. That part of the journey may go south.

PTI has introduced or injected many “changes” into national politics, which is rightly praised. Most importantly, Imran Khan has attracted millions of young new voters to participate in the election campaign; these voters have been ignored by the country’s political front-runners or have not been fully satisfied for decades.

PTI sees an opportunity to cater to this untapped pool of political power. Of course, if the party does not fulfill its promises, the young man may be separated. So far, the party’s performance has been challenged by some enthusiastic fans and strong supporters.

Young voters in 2018 may be in their 20s, and they may be affected by the economic downturn that is intensified by the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. Unfortunately, love for politicians is a fleeting commodity.

Since the mysterious aerial assassination of General Ziaul Haq in 1988, the ruling party has effectively weakened the two-party system formed between the PPP supported by Benazir and the Muslim League led by Nawaz. After opening a political shop in 1996, he became a member of the Pakistan Political Amphitheater.

It took him about 22 years to reach the peak of his athletic career, and, strangely, he wandered in the political wilderness for almost the same number of years before victoriously marching into Islamabad by overthrowing the Sharif dynasty in the center and Punjab. His coaches and managers worked very well, but his opponents also made fatal mistakes.

Much has been said and written about the vulgar language that PTI leaders and young Turks often use when talking about their political opponents. Nothing new; politicians belonging to PML-N and PPP have done the same for many years. It just has different hopes from a party that has been talking about “change” for many years. The party has done a good job in extinguishing these hopes.

Regardless of what PTI is, let us think about what it will be or might be in the next few years. The party has now become a behemoth, and even Imran may not be able to imagine or plan.

The lackeys of Pakistani politics are too smart to perceive when changes will come. Imran is neither the first nor the last Pakistani politician who wants to take complete control of the country. Some of his cabinet colleagues have already hinted that Sindh will be “conquered” in 2023. They are valetudinarian and forgivable. The party is now faced with the arduous task of lack of resources and difficulty in governing the country.

With unreliable claims of economic improvement and self-spurring of diplomatic solitude, the party and its apprentices have caused more damage to their political future than their opponents (the cunning foxes in the political wilderness of Pakistan).

How can the prime minister claim that the economy has improved and then admit that the country is actually relying on remittances? After telling an agricultural country that we are now a net food importer, how can a hired gun in the financial and economic fields claim to have saved a “derailed” economy? He even admitted his “surprise” at a government meeting that two-thirds of the beans are imported. The facts about wheat and sugar are well known.

For a party that lags behind big and small parties a few years ago, winning three-quarters of the provinces and two autonomous regions is definitely a fantastic prospect. The next few months will demonstrate the ability of PTI’s exhausted top team to deal with economic, political and diplomatic challenges.

As government ministers, advisers and special assistants issue daily statements stating that they are performing their assigned tasks in accordance with the Prime Minister’s vision, it is clear that PTI revolves around Imran Khan. If most of the promises made over the years remain unfulfilled, there is no need for the imagination of philosophers to guess who will be hit.

Political experts of all viewpoints have unexpectedly agreed that 2022 will be more important than 2023 (the year of the next election). People in the party are already talking about early elections because they know that there will be some important developments later next year.

So far, there is little to write about the performance of the PTI government, and soon people will realize whether any miracles are happening. The mantra of 22 years of struggle will no longer be valid, and the party will be judged by its performance, not by other people’s failure stories.

This is why one can say that PTI’s journey from the peak of the election to the lowest point of politics began on July 25. The party is seen as a man’s miracle. Moreover, although there is no public dialogue among the followers of Khan on any possible post-Imran scenarios, some people privately believe that without the great Khan, all of this could disappear. So is it safe to say that the clock has started ticking for PTI?

The author works for Jang/Geo Group. He is on Twitter @aamirghauri

This article was originally published on the August 11, 2021 edition of Daily news. Can visit here.